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How La Noticia is meeting readers where they are during COVID-19

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November 18, 2020

As part of our series of conversations with journalism leaders serving communities of color, I spoke with Alvaro Gurdián, Vice President of Operations at La Noticia, on how they’re adapting to COVID-19. La Noticia is a for-profit, print and digital news outlet that has served the Latino community in North Carolina for over 23 years. Alvaro and I met on the journalism conference circuit last year, and Democracy Fund proudly supports La Noticia through the Racial Equity in Journalism Fund.

Below is a lightly edited recap of our conversation.

LT: We’re now several months into COVID-19, and La Noticia has been serving communities across North Carolina since the start. What has this moment brought to light for you around the role of community media during crises?

AG: It’s only highlighted how important it is. We have readers who tell us, “I don’t know where to find food,” or “I don’t know where to find masks.” And really, that’s what we’re doing on the day-to-day. We’ll take one question and assume that if one person asks, there are probably dozens or hundreds of readers that have the same question. So we try to build content around that.

We know it resonates because we have people writing to us privately, saying, “Wow, thank you,” at a volume that we didn’t have before for things someone might consider very basic. So people are really taking to heart the value of this work. And that’s uplifting, because we’re obviously working far more hours than we were before.

LT: It’s really great that y’all have been able to continue to do this work and that folks are seeing its value. Are there any common themes coming from your readers right now?

AG: I don’t think the needs have changed that much, they’re just more pressing. Where we are, in North Carolina, Latinos have been disproportionately affected by COVID-19. So they need help. For example, the North Carolina Restaurants Association had set up a fund to help people in the industry. But there was so much need, it closed within 24 hours. So what’s the next wave? Where else can we get help?

These things are changing so fast, and social media is a firehose. It’s great if you find what you need in the moment, but how do you search for it later on? That’s been a bit of a disconnect for us. So we’ve been putting more resources on our website, newsletters, and social media so people know where to reach this information again when they need it.

LT: How else are you staying connected with readers?

AG: Believe it or not, we’ve been reaching them through print. Our advertising may have gone down, but our take-up rate has only increased. Think about it: Even if you live in a metro area, not everybody has broadband at home. Many of our readers are used to getting their Internet from work, school, church, wherever they shop. Most of those are gone completely, so they need the newspaper now more than ever. Or they have basic plans where they’ll have social media but not actual Internet. They’ll get headlines, but they don’t have the details. So our print has become much more important than before, and we know it is still a core part of our mission to inform our community through print.

Many of our readers are used to getting their Internet from work, school, church, wherever they shop. Most of those are gone completely, so they need the newspaper now more than ever.

LT: How are you balancing that tension between the continued need for print and drop in ad revenue?

AG: We try to view it all as a whole. We’re for-profit, but as long as we’re not burning cash, we’re willing to stretch a little here and make it up somewhere else. For example, events are usually big for us, but those are obviously not a thing for us right now. I think that’s a serious conversation we need to have with funders. We have readers who are disadvantaged, and it’s not enough to say, “Alright, let’s put it online.” Data plans cost money. And that’s assuming that everyone has phones and knows how to operate them. There are a lot of barriers that people don’t consider from the 40,000 foot view. So that’s part of why we’re continuing to reach out through print. Of course, our digital has gone up, but not enough to make up for the print.

LT: Keeping some of those challenges in mind, what do outlets need to do to continue serving their communities, particularly those that have been historically marginalized?

AG: Most of these outlets already know what they need to be doing. Sometimes it’s less of the “what” and more of the “how.” That could mean coaching or getting up to date on workflow automation. As I get further into this, I’m amazed at how much we were missing. We’re using new data software that does 90% of the work of posting new articles. It saves maybe five minutes, but when you have to do several stories a day, that counts.

I also think funders could focus more on bringing communities up to speed on digital — not only connecting them to the tools and technology, but training them on how to use it. People tell us, “I didn’t know I could save that story for later,” or “I don’t know how to search it for later.” I think that often goes unnoticed.

I also think funders could focus more on bringing communities up to speed on digital — not only connecting them to the tools and technology, but training them on how to use it.

LT: How do you see that as a part of media equity?

AG: Well, it’s not enough to simply put out information, whether it’s funded or not. People need to be able to access it and know how to access it. We’ll get comments saying, “I didn’t know how to get to that information,” or, “I called the number you told me but they weren’t picking up.” There are a lot of these resources we’re trying to connect them to, but they’re not always user-friendly — especially government ones. We try to condense that information, but when we refer back to them, it’s easy to get lost.

LT: As a final question, I was wondering what are some pivots you’ve made, or wish you could, to continue meeting those needs?

AG: We were already pivoting to digital, improving our website, adding a membership model. We just had to do it a lot faster than we thought we were going to be doing. Eighty-five percent of our [digital] readership is mobile, so those updates were critical. So we did that, and we launched the membership right away.

Moments like this show that if you [have the resources to] get started on this earlier, the better it is. It just so happens that we embarked on most of the things that we needed to do already. It just meant that we needed to speed up a lot of things we had already planned. We did have a plan in place, we just didn’t plan to have it in place so quickly.

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Democracy TBD: How do we plan for unpredictable futures?

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October 23, 2020

It’s become something of a cliché to say that we’re living in uncertain times — but times of uncertainty can be powerful opportunities for new ideas to take root. After all, certainty can be a form of complacency. When we feel sure of our own power and position, we have no reason to question our assumptions about the present or imagine a different future.   

To push ourselves to recommit to the radical imagining and experimental mindset — which has always shaped American democracy —  Democracy Fund decided to spend the last few months leaning into uncertainty, deliberately engaging with different ideas and perspectives about what our democracy’s future might look like. We asked Dot Connector Studio to help us figure out how to do this, with an experimental project we ended up calling “Democracy TBD.”

How we designed Democracy TBD

Our intention with Democracy TBD was to start to think through how the current pandemic, racial unrest, and concerns about the election might spark a cycle of disruption and reorganization. Which aspects of our democratic system might prove more resilient, and which might be fundamentally altered? How might these changes affect Democracy Fund’s efforts to support robust civic participation, responsible journalism, fair elections, effective governance, civil rights, and rule of law? Our goal was not to develop a list of fully fleshed-out scenarios, but rather to anticipate the pathways by which major changes might happen and then to consider how we could help shape those pathways rather than react to them after the fact.

We decided to reach out to people that we didn’t necessarily know, whose interests and experiences weren’t just related to politics and government, and asked them to join a series of scenario-planning conversations. In August, we convened participants in five small working groups to talk with them about what big changes might be in store for our country, and what about our democracy was “to be determined.” Participants included authors, economists, musicians, journalists, urban planners, technologists, and others, representing a diversity of gender, race, and geography.    

What we have learned so far

Our first working group sessions took place in August, over Zoom. We focused on identifying events that have the potential to trigger system-level disruptions. We arrived at these “disruptors” by observing current signals — i.e., events which  suggest change with the potential to spread. Chatting from makeshift home offices, occasionally pausing to help kids reconnect to their virtual classrooms, and momentarily stepping back from news updates on wildfires and hurricanes, it was not hard for participants to identify myriad potential disruptors they are considering in their own life and work. Some of the disruptors we identified were more speculative, but others were very real and immediate.

We then asked the participants to choose a disruptor from the conversation, and map it against a framework we call “STEEP+C.” Futurists and business strategists often use a “STEEP” framework to understand how a given disruptor might have both positive and negative ripple effects across Social, Technological, Economic, Environmental and Political sectors. We have added a “C” for “Creative” for our conversations, because we believe that arts, media and culture have the potential to both shape and capture major disruptions. Our hope has been to center the power of imagination in this work.

Take the following disruptor, for example: a COVID vaccine is not available until the end of 2021. We posited that there would be: indefinite work-from-home policies introduced by companies (Social), a strain on internet bandwidth and a widened digital divide (Technological), wide-scale job loss and pressure on the social safety net (Economic), a decrease in emissions and use of public transit (Environmental), increased demand/support for government intervention (Political). We also speculated that artists would start connecting more directly with audiences (Creative).

Doing so allowed participants to build out fuller scenarios about what these disrupted systems might look like. In the second set of working group sessions, we discussed each other’s scenarios and reflected on what these scenarios might mean for our democracy. It was clear that the anxiety of our current moment sat heavily on participants: scenarios explored themes of rising inequality, civil discord, climate disasters.   

We brought participants back together in mid-August to reflect on the themes we distilled from the conversations. By that point, several participants had also taken us up on the offer to develop creative responses sparked by the process. The conversation, and the creative responses, surfaced themes of disintegration, fragmentation, inequality, corruption, authoritarianism, and polarization — but also renewal, cooperation, and mobilization. As we continue to sift through the wide range of possible futures our participants explored, our expectation isn’t to land with any certainty on what the next ten or twenty years might hold for our country. Quite the contrary: we’re hoping it raises lots of questions about what’s possible, and pushes us to look at our democracy, with all its flaws but also all its promise, in new ways. We look forward to sharing those questions, and those new ideas, with you. Stay tuned!  

 

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Equity First: A Call to Action for Journalism and Journalism Funders

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October 13, 2020

In late September, the LA Times editorial board wrote, “For at least its first 80 years, the Los Angeles Times was an institution deeply rooted in white supremacy.” This editorial was the start of an eight-part series interrogating the Times’ history of racist coverage and its failure to represent the communities it purported to serve in staffing, stories and sources. This deep reflection is a good first step for the paper, and a necessary one for the entire industry. But the next step must be action — from the LA Times, from other newsrooms, and from the journalism funders who support them.

The next step must be action — from the LA Times, from other newsrooms, and from the journalism funders who support them.

One year ago, a group of concerned program officers from foundations across the country (many of whom are former journalists) sat down together in a classroom at the Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at CUNY to talk through not only the racist structures that undergird traditional outlets like the LA Times — but also those that shape philanthropic efforts aiming to transform journalism. We wanted to connect the dots and find opportunities for action. And we did — in a newly released report called, “Equity First: Transforming Journalism and Journalism Philanthropy in a New Civic Age,” created by Frontline Solutions.

The report comes as our nation marks eight months and more than 210,000 deaths from the coronavirus pandemic, which has disproportionately affected Black, Latino and Native American communities, and as the country continues to reckon with the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. Together, these events have sparked a massive racial justice movement in the United States and across the world, and as advocates continue to march, journalists of color are demanding accountability in their newsrooms.

Journalists of color are demanding accountability in their newsrooms.

For years, many of these journalists have felt a dissonance between the kinds of reporting they know communities need, and the false “balance” and harmful narratives white newsroom culture have perpetuated. And now they’re taking action. In June, journalists of color at the Philadelphia Inquirer called in sick and tired in response to a tactless headline that belittled the nature of protests around Black Lives Matter. Staff members called for the resignation of a New York Times opinion editor for publishing an op-ed that suggested invoking the Insurrection Act to snuff out protests following the death of George Floyd. And then union members at the LA Times put together a list of demands for its new owner to transform coverage and staffing.

Many of us are not surprised by what is happening in newsrooms right now. “Equity First: Transforming Journalism and Journalism Philanthropy in a New Civic Age” is rooted in what The Kerner Commission of 1968 found: that the extreme lack of media diversity and equity is a driving force of inequality. As we marked Kerner’s 50 year anniversary in 2018, journalists noted how little progress the field overall has made in centering stories from historically marginalized communities. And philanthropy has persistently underinvested in organizations that are led by and serving these communities.

It’s time to do more. Our new report outlines three longstanding barriers to equity-centered journalism and grantmaking within journalism philanthropy:

1) Journalism’s prized ethics and values aren’t translating to DEI best practices.

Despite journalism’s stated values of accuracy, upholding the truth and elevating unheard stories, there is not enough acknowledgment that it is impossible to live these values in a newsroom whose leadership does not reflect the diversity of the country. The result is newsrooms that are ill-equipped to create resonant and relevant content for their constituents — much less protect them from disinformation actors (such as Russian interference campaigns) that have disproportionately targeted Black audiences. These failures widen the trust gap between communities of color and newsrooms.

2) The inherent cultures of journalism and philanthropy commonly reinforce white masculine norms.

Journalism tends to reinforce the myth of objectivity without considering who gets to decide whose narrative is grounded in reality…meaning that the white, male perspective is the default. Adding to the problem, journalism prioritizes urgency over taking the time to be inclusive, thoughtful or nuanced. And it upholds the paternalistic idea that newsrooms should decide what communities should know rather than practicing deeper engagement and relationship building.

Decision-making within philanthropy has similar flaws. It can occur in a vacuum and in ways that can be paternalistic and lack nuance. This is especially true when funders deploy rapid response funds — as many did during the early part of the pandemic — without taking time to diversify potential recipients and challenge our existing networks. Funders also tend to assume that resources are fairly allocated without critically examining structural inequities around accessing capital.

3) Foundations focus on addressing diversity because it feels most tangible. But what about inclusion and equity?

A diverse staff does not automatically make for an equitable workplace. To get there, power and decision-making authority have to shift. This work requires inclusion, and prioritization, of communities who have not had a seat at the table. Because both journalism and philanthropy have hierarchical structures that makes this kind of shift difficult, they tend to preserve power where it already is.

These challenges are complex, longstanding, and at the core of both philanthropy and journalism. But they are not insurmountable. The report highlights several steps that funders can take to change their internal structures and practices in order to address inequity, which will help make the news that we support more equitable as well. Our recommendations include:

  1. Center equity in our definitions and funding of innovation;
  2. Invest in leadership and emerging talent within communities of color;
  3. Map and then move decision-making power to affected communities.

This past year has tested the spirit, health, and lives of communities of color, especially Black communities. But we know this fight for justice has endured for centuries. Early data suggests a long-needed shift in dollars is underway: Over $4.2 billion philanthropic dollars have gone to racial equity in 2020, compared to $3.3 billion dollars between 2011–2019. That’s 22 percent more funding this year than in the past nine years combined.

The question now is, “can philanthropy and journalism sustain this change?”. These investments must be matched by new systems, practices, and thinking. They must be sustained, not sporadic. They must put communities directly affected at the center of decision-making rather than an afterthought. And they must trust that these communities have solutions to the problems they face, because they have been working to solve them for as long as they have existed.

This is the only way philanthropy and journalism can invest in communities of color if we hope to be a part of the solution.

Liz Baker
Senior Manager, Independent Journalism and Media, Humanity United

Lolly Bowean
Media and Storytelling Program Officer, Field Foundation

LaSharah S. Bunting
Director of Journalism, Knight Foundation

Paul Cheung
Director of Journalism and Technology Innovation, Knight Foundation

Farai Chideya
Program Officer, Creativity and Free Expression, Ford Foundation

Jenny Choi
Director of Equity Initiatives, Craig Newmark Graduate School of Journalism at CUNY

Angelica Das
Senior Program Associate, Public Square, Democracy Fund

Tim Isgitt
Managing Director, Humanity United

Manami Kano
Philanthropy Consultant, Kano Consulting

Maria Kisumbi
Senior Advisor, Policy and Government Relations, Humanity United

Lauren Pabst
Senior Program Officer, Journalism and Media, MacArthur Foundation

Tracie Powell
Program Officer, Racial Equity in Journalism Fund, Borealis Philanthropy

Karen Rundlet
Director of Journalism, Knight Foundation

Roxann Stafford
Managing Director, The Knight-Lenfest Local News Transformation Fund

Lea Trusty
Program Associate, Public Square, Democracy Fund

Paul Waters
Associate Director, Public Square, Democracy Fund

This letter was updated with new signatories on October 19.

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How Jiquanda Johnson is building Flint Beat from the ground up

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October 1, 2020

As part of our continuing conversations with journalism leaders centering communities of color, I recently chatted with Jiquanda Johnson, the founder, publisher, and executive editor of Flint Beat, a digital news site serving the Flint, MI, community. Johnson, a veteran journalist from the Flint area, launched Flint Beat in 2017 to fill news and information gaps in the community, after community members expressed the many ways in which existing news coverage was not meeting their needs. Democracy Fund proudly supports Flint Beat through the Racial Equity in Journalism Fund.

Below is a lightly edited recap of our conversation.

LT: Tell me about the very beginning of Flint Beat for you.

JJ: I launched the site in 2017, but I owned the domain name for a minute. I didn’t know what I would do with it, but I liked the sound of it and so I saved it for a couple of years. I grew up in Flint, and at the time of launching the site, we were knee deep in the water crisis, and news seemed to be filled strictly with crime and sports. I thought that we needed more, and I understood it as someone from there. We had a meeting at the newsroom I was working for at the time, and they’d made some decisions I just didn’t like. I didn’t like the direction things were going in. So I decided I would start my own newsroom. My last day was a Friday, and the following Monday, I kicked things off.

LT: What were some of the initial stories you saw were missing that you wanted to cover?

JJ: I had a list of maybe 40 ideas that I wrote down when I first started. For example, I remember wanting to do a story on gun violence. In the first year of launching Flint Beat, I brought that idea to Solutions [Journalism Network] and the following year, they gave me money to chase that story. We’re still extending our work there, and we’re probably the only newsroom in the state of Michigan that’s even looking at gun violence as a public health issue and also from a solutions journalism standpoint.

For me, I knew about all the cool stories and cool people, but I also knew about a lot of the issues that were plaguing the city. And when you come from a community that invested in you and made you who you are, you want to do better by them through your work. You want to take deeper dives, do investigative journalism, focus not only on problems but how to fix them too.

When you come from a community that invested in you and made you who you are, you want to do better by them through your work.

Being a Black person in journalism, you know stories that are told are not necessarily the whole story. There are so many stereotypes you deal with in a newsroom. So I want to see more people like me with our own platforms that tell the different parts and perspectives of a story.

LT: What are some ways you’ve brought the community into the work of Flint Beat?

JJ: I launched a youth journalism program that worked with Flint youth, and we had some great partnerships that are on pause now with COVID. When I got ready to look for people who could potentially work for Flint Beat or contribute, I learned that there’s no journalism program here. So how do you create this diverse newsroom that reflects the community that you cover if the talent isn’t there? I started to work with young people, trying to bring more diversity in newsrooms here in Flint and hoping that would spread to other newsrooms in the state.

LT: What were some of the challenges you encountered when you first struck out on your own?

JJ: I’m a Flint girl, so covering the city was nothing. People already knew who I was — I was already covering City Hall, living in Flint with my kids. So that was the easy part. But I didn’t think about the business itself. I started it as a journalist, not a publisher, and I didn’t even quite know what that meant. I invested in a $40 WordPress template that I’d pulled apart and recreated with my vision for the site. But I still covered stories as if I were working for any other newsroom.

I started it as a journalist, not a publisher, and I didn’t even quite know what that meant.

Six months in, my savings were depleted. I realized I needed money to make this thing work, and people were not just going to say, “Oh my gosh, you all are doing great work. Let’s invest in you.” I ended up having to work a full-time job and manage Flint Beat, all while caring for my two kids as a single mom.

It wasn’t until last year that I began identifying roles that weren’t editorial — fundraising, social media, etc. They’re not necessarily reporting, but they are still essential for building sustainability, engaging the community, and making a mission successful. But initially, I was everything to the best that I could be, not knowing much of anything at the time.

LT: That seems like a bit of a double-edged sword. On the one hand, you want to have as much knowledge and resources as possible for a venture like this. But if you take so much of that into account, it might stop you from doing the work in the first place and maybe learning as you go.

JJ: I’m not sure how much a person should have to learn as they go. I know we haven’t figured it all out. But I wish I didn’t have to later learn about the newsroom budget and how it can tell a story so that people might be more willing to invest in you. I wish I knew I could engage people with my brand through something like a newsletter before launching an entire website first. I was putting out so much content that I burned myself out.I wish I’d known the value of my work. I undervalue myself. I still do it. I’ll ask for less than I need in a grant proposal hoping funders will be more likely to invest in us. This is the first year I’ve gotten a salary, and it’s a very modest one.

I wish I’d known the value of my work.

It’s those things I wish I would’ve known beforehand. I didn’t mind learning that my audience prefers us covering City Hall instead of the school board. But I wish I had a publishing angel on my shoulder saying, “No, ask for $250,000 because that’s what you actually need for the next two years.”

LT: How are you thinking about sustainability now?

JJ: With the funding from Borealis, I’ve started to fill key roles within the newsroom to help make things more sustainable. There’s our newsletter. I kept trying to do it myself, and one day I thought, “I’m not good at this.” We hired Detour Detroit to handle it, and now our newsletter is generating donations and responses from readers saying how much they love it.We hired a community and business liaison. We hired a managing editor so I can focus on growing our brand and generating revenue. I am still part of the news conversation.And if there’s something that really interests me, I’ll cover it as long as I’m not stepping on my team’s toes. But my managing editor acts as my supervisor whenever I write, so I can be fully in the role of journalist for those times.Identifying these other roles has been so important. Now that that’s squared away, we’re asking questions like, “What are our major goals? How are we bringing in revenue?” We’ve been working with News Revenue Hub to figure out a membership model that works for us. And we’re also focusing on a combination of advertising, sponsorships, and grants.

LT: How has having these positions in place been useful, especially during COVID?

JJ: It’s been a blessing and a curse. COVID has positioned us for funding that probably wouldn’t have been there to cover communities like Flint, and it’s also opened the door for new partnerships. We’re partnering with the Center for Public Integrity doing data journalism and FOIA work through the Facebook Journalism Project. We’re able to take that funding and take a deeper dive into COVID, which is something my newsroom wanted to do anyway. We just didn’t have the capacity.

COVID has positioned us for funding that probably wouldn’t have been there to cover communities like Flint.

Then there’s our ad pricing. We have low overhead, low prices, and thousands of people coming to our website that are right in local businesses’ backyard. So if a business is trying to let people know what’s happening as they reopen their doors during COVID, we’re a more affordable option for advertising compared to other local outlets.COVID has been horrible. People have died, businesses have closed, communities are shut down, and we’re not living our normal lives. But I’ve gone from a team of one to six, not including our freelancers. I can pay myself. And we have more people solely focused on Flint than probably any other newsroom.

LT: That’s really inspiring to hear, because we know so many Black-owned businesses have been hit hard economically by COVID. What sort of support do you think Black-owned media needs right now — not just to weather the storm, but actually thrive?

JJ: When I launched Flint Beat, I didn’t have the money, I didn’t have the capital, nor was anybody willing to give it to me. I had to show the work first. I had to struggle through it. I found myself at the welfare office doing this just to feed my children. Another publication, run by a white man, started the same day that I did, and the local foundation gave them six figures without a thought. I can’t even get them to give me $50,000.So, one thing we do need is for people to respect that we know what we’re doing. I know news. I know Flint. I know I can make an impact. My goal was to be the number one news site in the city of Flint, and that’s where I’m heading — faster than anyone thought we would. I deserve to be respected, invested in, like anyone else in this industry. They’re willing to take risks on people that look like them doing half of the work. What’s the difference, other than me being a Black woman?

They’re willing to take risks on people that look like them doing half of the work. What’s the difference, other than me being a Black woman?

I want to see more foundations support us, without having to go through a third party to tell us what we need. Why does money have to stop somewhere else first before it gets to us? With Borealis and Facebook, I didn’t have to deal with any extra barriers. They knew I could do the work, and they trusted me to do it.When you look at how many Black and brown people are launching news agencies, so many are women. We’re out here trying to save local news. They say they support this…come on, support us.

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Fighting for an internet that is safe for all: how structural problems require structural solutions

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September 30, 2020

In 2017, a college student named Taylor Dumpson achieved what many young scholars dream of: she was elected student body president. As the first African-American woman president at American University in Washington, D.C., news of her election was celebrated by many as a sign of growing racial equity in higher education.

But day one of her presidency was anything but triumphant. The night before, a masked man hung bananas around campus inscribed with racist slogans. The neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer then picked up news reports of the incident and directed a “troll army” to flood the Facebook and email accounts of Dumpson and AU’s student government with hateful messages and threats of violence. Dumpson feared being attacked while carrying out her duties as president and attending class and was later diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder.

Two years later, the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law helped Dumpson win a major lawsuit against her harassers. Building on the D.C. Human Rights Act of 1977, Dumpson’s legal team successfully argued that the harassment she faced online limited her access to a public accommodation, her university. It was a significant victory for online civil rights, but her case raises an important question: why weren’t there laws or policies to protect her in the first place?

Part of the problem is that civil rights laws have yet to be updated for the 21st century. “No one predicted the internet when they wrote these laws,” says David Brody, a lead attorney in Dumpson’s case. “Only just now are these laws getting applied to the internet,” he added. A 2020 Lawyers’ Committee report that Brody co-authored shows that laws preventing discrimination online vary widely state-to-state, leaving large gaps in civil rights protections online. 

The second part of the problem is that social media platforms are designed to optimize for engagement, — to keep people on their platform as long as possible. This sounds like a reasonable business goal, but the result is that oftentimes the platforms’ algorithms elevate the most extreme or offensive content, like racist threats against an African-American student body president, simply because it gets the quickest and most intense reactions. While Brody and the Lawyers’ Committee did not pursue this issue in the Taylor Dumpson case, experts agree that it is a major structural barrier to ensuring civil rights in the 21st century. Optimizing for engagement too often means optimizing for outrage, providing extremists and hate groups tools to spread and popularize their destructive ideologies.

Deeply rooted problems like these have created an internet that is often unsafe and unjust, particularly for people of color and women, who have long borne the brunt of online harms, leaving them with an impossible choice: stay on social media and accept daily threats and harassment, or leave the platforms altogether, giving up on participating in the 21st century public square. In 2014, Black feminist bloggers like l’Nasha Crockett, Sydette Harry, and Shafiqah Hudson warned of the rise of online hate and disinformation – two full years before “alt-right” groups and Russia-funded “troll armies” wreaked havoc on public discourse during the 2016 U.S. presidential election

The harassment of people of color and women on platforms owned by Facebook, Google, and Twitter  illustrates larger problems that should concern us all. The digital tools and technologies we have come to depend on are largely owned by private companies driven to maximize profits — even at the expense of the civil rights protections guaranteed under U.S. laws and the Constitution. When clicks and viral posts are prioritized at any cost, democracy suffers. 

Policymakers must recognize that we need to update our civil rights laws, and create new laws where necessary, to fulfill our nation’s Constitutional promises. Within the private sector, tech companies must take it upon themselves to track and combat discrimination on their platforms and stop the spread of online hate. When they do not, we must build public movements to hold them accountable and demand equal access to civil rights protections. Structural problems require structural solutions. Some possible solutions that Democracy Fund grantees have put forth include things like: 

The Digital Democracy Initiative is proud to fund groups like the Lawyer’s Committee, Data for Black Lives, and MediaJustice who work to fill gaps in law and public policy — as well as groups like Stop Online Violence Against Women and Color of Change, whose work exposing and combatting coordinated hate and harassment specifically centers the concerns of people of color and women.

Democracy Fund supports coalition building, independent research, and policy development that hold platforms accountable to the public interest, not just their own profits. If you would like to get involved, here are three things you can do: 

  1. Learn more about root causes. Take a look at our systems map to gain a greater understanding of the interconnected nature of the issues we’re working on. 
  2. Support organizations working on these issues. This is incredibly important, particularly as budgets are strained during the COVID-19 pandemic. See our grantee database for the full list of organizations Democracy Fund is supporting. 
  3. Look for ways to make your voice heard. Grantees like Free Press and Color of Change regularly organize petitions to hold tech platforms accountable

To learn more about our work, contact Paul Waters, associate director, Public Square Program, at pwaters [@] democracyfund.org. 

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Legal Clinic Fund Expands Support for Local Newsrooms with Five New Grants to First Amendment Clinics

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September 23, 2020

As law students across the country return to the classroom, many are also putting their education to work through legal clinics where they can help advance critical issues facing our democracy. From San Juan, Puerto Rico to Cleveland, Ohio, First Amendment law students are helping defend local journalists and fight vital press freedom battles in what is shaping up to be the worst year in a decade for press freedom.

 

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A New Coalition to Build a Congress That Looks Like America

Laura Maristany
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September 17, 2020

Democracy Fund seeks to develop leaders among Capitol Hill staff so that policymaking and Congress reflect the diversity of our country. For me, this is not theoretical. From a paid internship that opened the doors to Congress, to full-time positions with two House members from Puerto Rico, I recall my days on the Hill, eagerly seeking opportunities for professional growth and advancement. In interview after interview, hiring managers on the Hill could not translate my experience leading work under two Committees, speaking three languages fluently and working in an office that represented over four million constituents (which in a state would be represented by six House members and two Senators), into a skill set that would benefit their office in a more senior position.  

Despite my desire to remain in public service and three promotions, I hit a wall that kept me from advancing to senior-level positions in Congress. Ultimately, I left the Hill to lead advocacy efforts at  the Hispanic Association of Colleges and Universities (HACU), and later, the National Association of Latino Elected & Appointed Officials (NALEO). During this time, I became fully aware that the obstacles I faced in Congress were not personal shortcomings or lack of skills. These barriers to entry and advancement were part of a system of hiring that made it difficult for others like me with no personal political connections, no financial resources to supplement earnings in low or non-paid Hill positions, and no “godparents” to navigate the byzantine maze of career development on Capitol Hill. As a Latina, I saw few walking the halls of the Capitol that looked like me. As a conservative Latina, there were even fewer. Many Latinos are “firsts” in our families: to graduate from college, to work in Washington D.C. and/or to work in Congress. It can be an isolating experience and explains why staff associations are a major part of the support network for certain communities. Though we’ve made some progress, disparities still exist. This lag in numbers and representation explains why there is no formal network of Latino “madrinas or padrinos” that can support entry and mid-level staffers with job counsel and personal references. Today, I am proud to lead the Constructive Politics team at Democracy Fund, where we recognize diverse perspectives as a way to build legislative consensus that results in a stronger, more effective democracy. 

That belief drives our investment strategy at Democracy Fund. Since 2017, we have granted more than $4 million to organizations working towards a more representative, diverse and inclusive Congress. Today, those grantees have launched a new coalition, Representative Democracy, to create an ecosystem of diverse leadership talent in Congress, from interns to senior staff. This effort has been three years in the making and reflects the rich insight and learnings from member organizations. Some offer leadership programs while others generate data and execute issue-based campaigns that center diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI)  and advocate for legislative change. In honor of today’s launch, I’d like to share some key learnings, shine a spotlight on the work some of these grantees have been doing over the last three years, and encourage you to learn more about how Representative Democracy can be a resource to you.

Lesson 1: Offer paid internships as one of the most direct pathways for underrepresented students into Congress.

It is a well-known fact that internships get your foot in the door. In fact, my paid congressional internship served as the foundation for my career and led to two full-time staff positions, but it would not have been an option for me as an unpaid position. Like me at that time, many students cannot afford this learning opportunity even if it offers a great entryway to the Hill. Pay Our Interns made this gap the center of their campaign that successfully garnered legislative approval for paid internships on Capitol Hill. They argued that the more you make paid internships available, the more you broaden accessibility that will create a diverse applicant pool. This summer, the group released their first report on the diversity of House interns. Beyond mapping out what congressional interns look like, the study “…found strong evidence that the congressional workplace is racially segregated. A lawmaker’s race, political party, and the demographic composition of their congressional district all have a strong effect on whom they hire as interns.”

Another Democracy Fund partner, College to Congress, has developed programs to ensure interns have meaningful learning experiences on the Hill and are able to remain engaged despite the challenges caused by COVID-19. In further testament to adaptation, they digitized their curriculum for students interested in internships and employment in public service — called C2CU — as a series of professional development courses. The approach must be working as more than 540 students from diverse backgrounds have been trained on C2CU and 90 percent of C2C alumni have been hired in political and government-related careers. 

Lesson 2: Create more real-time transparency about the demographics of congressional staff

This is a complex endeavor due to congressional election cycles and the fact that Congress does not gather demographic data about its own staff. Since 2015, the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies has generated some of this data through Hill staff surveys, serving as a model to Congress of how accurate data collection can be undertaken. In fact, the Joint Center’s first Senate report found only seven percent of top Senate staffers were people of color. This report prompted Senate Democrats to focus on demographic data collection to assess the racial diversity of Senators’ offices. These findings and accountability metrics, publicly released for the first time by Congress, were a good first step but much work remains to be done to bring long-term system change and build an inclusive workplace. This summer, the Joint Center’s follow-up Senate report found that people of color make up 40 percent of the U.S. population, but only 11% of all Senate office top staff. The release was featured in the New York Times and includes stark findings on the ratio of employees by racial group relative to the U.S. population. 

When you break down the ratio of employees by racial group relative to the U.S. population, the results are alarming.

Lesson 3: Invest in leadership development to help diverse staffers advance.

Since 2017, NALEO Educational Fund’s Staff Up Congress program has trained 74 midlevel diverse staff and more than 54 percent have been promoted after participating in their program. The Aspen Socrates Emerging Governance Leaders program is helping diverse congressional staff better understand the role of Congress so they can exercise more effective leadership within the institution. Leadership development is particularly important for congressional staff because they are the behind-the-scenes force that advises legislators on policies intended to represent the interests of all Americans. Understanding the need to provide these opportunities, Congress established the House Office of Diversity and Inclusion with Democratic and Republican staff that will guide offices “to recruit, hire, train, develop, advance, promote, and retain a diverse workforce.” There’s no question about it, these organizations are helping move towards a more functional Congress. They bet on professional development opportunities for their communities and it has paid off. 

Lesson 4: Create models for systemic change, not just short-term solutions.

With increased attention being paid to issues of race and racism within the workplace and in our public institutions, we have the opportunity to create models for systemic change instead of continuing programs and policies that, while well-intentioned, ultimately foster the notion that our communities need to work around structural barriers to equity as opposed to dismantling them. Making this shift requires technical expertise and leadership across sectors. 

The Brain Trust for a Representative Democracy is a collaborative effort of experts and practitioners on issues related to diversity, inclusion, equity, and belonging (DEIB) in the public sector. The members who comprise the Brain Trust bring a range of experience and knowledge on the latest theory, practical tactics, insight in how to train and change behavior, and expertise on the institution of Congress. The group was formed to develop and be thought leaders on how the concepts of DEIB can be applied to Congress and other public institutions. They are just beginning their work in September 2020 and we look forward to learning from their work.

Diversity By Itself is Not Enough

From interns to senior staff, Democracy Fund grantees are helping to make congressional careers more accessible — to ensure Congress looks like America and creates policies responding to the needs of  all Americans. Thanks to their leadership development programs, research, advocacy and leadership, we are closer to creating a more functional Congress with diverse perspectives and career development opportunities for its staff. These programs should continue to grow to help more diverse staffers engage with power in Congress. 

We also need more hiring managers to build their capacity to bring in and meaningfully engage more diverse teams. To do that, they will need more allies who can move beyond talking about creating a more diverse and inclusive Congress, to actually doing it. Diversity by itself is not enough. We need to understand how to increase inclusive decision-making. Offices must create inclusive workplaces that engage all staff and recognize the strength they bring to the table. My experience feeling “mismatched” and isolated should not be replaying itself in an institution that serves as a proud icon of our representative democracy. I am grateful that the work of our Constructive Politics team centers my passion to help congressional staffers who look like me and you. Individually, our grantees are making an impact, but the collective power they bring as an ecosystem — providing professional development opportunities and tools for inclusive workplaces — is how we dismantle systems of inequity.

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Five Nonpartisan Ways Religious Leaders Can Support the 2020 Election

Chris Crawford
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September 4, 2020

This November, the United States will hold an election amidst a pandemic that has claimed over 180,000 American lives. Religious leaders can play a crucial role in ensuring a safe, accessible, smoothly-run election.

There are over 380,000 houses of worship in the United States and 228,000 religious nonprofits. Religious leaders are some of the most trusted leaders in their communities because of their ability to stay above the partisan fray. Throughout American history, religious communities have stepped up to protect access to voting, to care for our communities in the face of illnesses, and to bring people together. This year they can play a crucial role in ensuring an accessible election where every eligible voter can participate safely, in providing accurate information and resources about the election, and set an example on how to come together across differences.

Below are five nonpartisan, nonpolitical actions religious communities can take to support our democracy this fall.

1. Promote Working at the Polls this November

Our polling locations have relied on the service of older Americans, most of whom cannot work this fall because of the dangers of COVID-19. As our election system faces a shortage of poll workers, the enormous civic contributions of religious communities can be put toward preserving safe, accessible voting this fall.

In most states, poll workers are paid for their service. For religious community members who are out of work, serving as poll workers is a way to make money in these challenging economic times.

Take action: Encourage community members to sign up for Power the Polls. This organization makes it easy to sign up, and they have signed up over 300,000 people to date. Your denomination or house of worship can go further and become an official partner here.

2. Be a source of truthful information

Religious institutions are sources of trusted information in our communities. In a complicated election, they can step up in a sea of confusion and disinformation.

Take action: Promote and partner with National Voter Registration Day to register your members  and  Vote Early Day so members know how to cast their ballots before Election Day. Post links to “Election 411” or The National Association of Secretaries of State’s “Can I Vote?” guide fors easy access to accurate up-to-date information so they can:

  • Check voter registration status;
  • Find their polling location;
  • Request an absentee or mail-in ballot; and
  • Keep up with changing information related to the election.

Religious leaders should encourage their congregations to ease the burden on our election systems by requesting and returning ballots as early as they can, taking advantage of early voting opportunities, and make a plan to vote.

Many religious organizations distribute voter guides to their membership. These guides should incorporate nonpartisan information on how to vote in this year’s election.

3. Feed the hungry – people waiting in long lines to vote

Feeding people who are in need is a central tenet of many American religions. During the COVID-19 pandemic, religious communities have stepped up to provide food in their communities. On Election Day, some precincts will face long enough lines that people will be tempted to leave. Religious communities can take on the call to feed the hungry in a new way: providing food and water to people waiting in line to vote.

Take action: Raise funds for Pizza to the Polls, one of most efficient ways to provide food to people waiting in long lines at the polls. Talk to your local election officials about how your religious community can provide food and water for people at the polls, being sure to follow all local election laws.

4. Offer space as an early voting or Election Day polling location

No matter how much absentee voting is expanded, our communities will continue to need in-person polling locations on Election Day. Polling locations need to be ADA-compliant, large enough for voters to maintain social distancing, and able to meet the sanitation requirements set by local officials. Houses of worship often meet the standards for a polling place. While some local governments only allow government buildings to serve as polling locations, houses of worship can offer their space as a polling location in many others.

Take action: Call your local election officials to offer your space as a polling location. Read about how AME churches in Georgia are stepping up to serve as polling locations.

5. Model ways to overcome divisions in a polarized country

Public polling shows shocking levels of polarization in the United States. Religious communities are often made up of people from different backgrounds and political ideologies who still come together to take part in their religious rituals. Religious communities can be a model for how our country can come together across our differences and maintain support for our civil institutions no matter who wins the election.

Take Action: Learn more about how to build bridges and promote belonging:

  • The Better Arguments Project helps communities and organizations to bridge divides – not by papering over those divides but by helping Americans have “better arguments”.
  • One America Movement equips leaders with the skills to confront the challenges facing their communities by working together and engaging differences meaningfully.
  • Northern Virginia Hebrew Congregation’s “Rebuilding Democracy” project provides an example of how religious communities can promote democratic ideals through their own rrituals and traditions.
  • Read these two excellent reports that describe how Christians can contribute to our democracy: Christianity and a Healthy Democracy by the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission and Christianity, Pluralism, and Public Life by The Trinity Forum.

Meeting this Challenge

Religious leaders and their communities can play a crucial role in meeting the unprecedented challenges we face in this election. All of the freedoms that we enjoy as Americans — including our religious freedom — depend on the integrity of our elections. Americans of all faiths and of no faith at all have a stake in ensuring safe, accessible voting and a strong system to receive and count those votes.

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Why equity should be at the center of 2020 elections coverage

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August 26, 2020

Racial equity is the defining issue of this year, of this generation, and as a result, of the 2020 U.S. elections. Nationwide uprisings and protests sparked by the murder of George Floyd have demanded system changes to policing and incited a reckoning within newsrooms about their own systemic racism. As the journalists in these newsrooms increasingly turn their attention to election coverage, it’s important that they keep the focus on equity and seek ways to center historically marginalized communities. We need to hear directly from the people who are most affected by these issues.

It’s not a moment too soon. Racist conspiracy theories are now circulating to attack the credibility of vice presidential candidate Kamala Harris — the first Black female vice presidential candidate as well as the first Asian American.

And layered on top are the coronavirus pandemic and efforts to disenfranchise voters that disproportionately affect communities of color. Voter suppression has only increased since the pandemic, with deliberate attempts by Republicans and conservative commentators to limit mail-in voting, fear-monger, and sow uncertainty about voters’ ability to get to the polls and for their votes to count.

For all these intersecting reasons, it’s important to understand why traditional election coverage falls short on serving historically marginalized communities and what we can do to make a change in 2020.

Why Traditional Election Coverage Fails

The United States’ long tradition of election coverage relies heavily on pundits and polling: “horse race” coverage filled with stats and numbers that make audiences feel they have an insider read on who will come out ahead. But what about the issues people are facing in their everyday lives? To figure out what people care about, mainstream coverage relies heavily on polling, which rarely provides the full picture. Polling before an election often takes non-representative samples of “likely voters” (e.g., leaving out new voters), and can leave out significant portions of the population due to language barriers or differing communication methods. The same is true for exit polling: responses depend on who is asking the question, and how, to whom, and whether the person feels comfortable responding. Traditional coverage, particularly cable and broadcast news, also relies on the perspective of pundits as experts. These pundits historically do not represent the lived experiences of other Americans — particularly Americans who aren’t rich, white, male, and close to power.

There’s a Better Way

Media scholar Jay Rosen has been writing about alternatives to these traditional practices for quite a while. He proposes a straightforward approach: ask voters what they think candidates should be talking about in the election, whether national, state, or local.

Ask voters what they think candidates should be talking about in the election, whether national, state, or local.

By February 2020, we saw the success and potential of this approach in real life, and Democracy Fund made a grant to this collaborative effort to launch what’s now called Election SOS: a non-partisan project that trains journalists to provide election coverage that serves community information needs using the citizens agenda approach and tried-and-true principles of engagement and trust-building.

Election SOS deepens and expands on The Citizens Agenda guide by providing essential training, guidance, and coaching to journalists on pressing topics like fighting misinformation, building trust, and protecting election integrity. They are partnering with a wide network of experts in journalism and within specific issue areas, including the American Press Institute (fiscal sponsor), First Draft News, ProPublica, PEN America, Troll Busters, the Center for Tech and Civic Life, Vote.org, and More in Common — just to name a few.

You don’t have to take my word for it. Read about over 20 newsrooms who have put the citizens agenda into action thanks to Election SOS training. Some highlights:

  • Vox Media published a video explainer on horse race coverage and invited viewers to inform their future coverage.
  • The Capital Times in Madison, WI is developing a People’s Agenda in both English and ​Spanish​ so that the community can set its own priorities.
  • Washington City Paper developed a voter guide for the 2020 DC Democratic primary. A grant from the Solutions Journalism Network allowed them to reach out to readers and incorporate responses from 200 people to inform questions for candidates.
  • WBEZ in Chicago created and published a citizens agenda titled ​12 Questions For The Candidates In Illinois’ 6th Congressional District​.”

These engagement practices are an important part of challenging the status quo of typical elections coverage. And newsrooms must continue to make an intentional effort to get input from historically marginalized people within the communities they serve, or engaged journalism will replicate the same inequities we see in traditional reporting.

What Funders Can Do

Projects like Election SOS are critical to ensuring that journalists and newsrooms are prepared to meet the information needs of their communities, now through Election Week and beyond. Funders can further support this work by:

  • Investing in newsrooms directly to publish election coverage that centers the information needs of communities.
  • Supporting news outlets led by and serving diverse and historically marginalized communities to support their elections and pandemic reporting. (You can use the DEI Tracker to identify outlets and organizations.)
  • Funding collaborative efforts such as Your Voice Ohio, a network of over 40 news organizations publishing community-centered election coverage and holding community engagement events across the state (now virtual).

The decisions that voters make will impact a wide variety of critical issues facing our democracy, and funders must help ensure that our electorate reflects the diversity of our nation. One crucial part of this is ensuring every person, especially those from historically marginalized communities that have been excluded for far too long, has the information they need to vote.

 

Thanks to Jessica Clark.

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Now is the moment to fund innovation for news equity

Farai Chideya
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August 12, 2020

In 2020, journalism went from rapid economic disruption to a full-blown existential meltdown.

Already wracked by #MeToo scandals, major outlets found themselves failing to meet the political moment sparked by the killing of George Floyd.

These failures of perspective and inclusion don’t just affect communities that have historically been left out of the national debate, but they also have ripple effects for democracy. As I have said before, we cannot have a functioning civil society without racial justice. And we cannot have racial justice without real reform in newsrooms. The old ways of doing journalism simply aren’t working: we need true innovation if we want equity in journalism. Equitable news coverage — fueled by innovative new processes and the culturally-competent and empowered staff needed to produce it — is a powerful lever which can move civil society toward justice.

The Ford Foundation, where I work, has been in alignment with the overall mission of the Engaged Journalism Lab. We have worked on the launch of the Racial Equity in Journalism Fund at Borealis Philanthropy, along with Democracy Fund, the American Journalism Project, Craig Newmark Philanthropies, the Google News Initiative, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, and the News Integrity Initiative. The REJ Fund is helping to bridge the gap in funding and institutional support by supporting organizations such as Buffalo’s Fire, which is fighting for independent media and freedom of information while serving Indigenous communities that have been especially hard hit by the pandemic; La Noticia, a Spanish-language newspaper serving the information needs of over 300,000 community members in North Carolina; and MLK50, an award-winning Black-led newsroom whose investigation of flawed hospital debt collection policies in partnership with ProPublica led to the forgiveness of more than $11 million of debt.

We’d like to issue a challenge to other funders — not just to fund equity in news, but specifically to fund innovation to achieve these ends.

Now, we’d like to issue a challenge to other funders — not just to fund equity in news, but specifically to fund innovation to achieve these ends. Innovation can take many forms, including taking more risks in funding; expanding the pool of who gets funded; rethinking how we assess impact and return on investment; and more. We invite funders to consider what equity looks like within our current funding systems — and what it might look like if we built something new altogether.

To support this exploration, the Ford Foundation has recently released three research papers:

  • Reconstructing American news: Investing in the transformation of journalistic processes and power relations to strengthen civil society, written by Katie Donnelly and Jessica Clark of Dot Connector Studio, takes on the question of how the journalism industry and the funders who support it can innovate in service of media equity. Until recently, much of the focus for funders in the journalism funding space has been on supporting innovation in terms of products and platforms. It’s now time to resource new people, processes, and power relationships instead. This paper explores the challenges we’re facing with regard to how equity-centered news is currently funded — and how possible interventions might work in practice, with insights from 10 individuals in the field on how they are adapting given the upheavals in the space caused by the pandemic. This analysis doesn’t focus on journalism philanthropy exclusively, but rather approaches the entire ecosystem with a particular focus on investment, philanthropy, and sustainability.
  • Gender equity in the news media: Analysis and recommendations for newsroom leaders is a companion report that found two major challenges that prevent gender equity from becoming a reality in newsrooms: gender gaps among content creators and those who make decisions about coverage, and slow progress in women’s representation in leadership roles. The report offers key solutions for organizational and newsroom leaders, including taking a public stance, appointing organizational catalysts, and creating incentives. Ford commissioned the report from two researchers at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government — Ariel Skeath, a Master of Public Policy candidate, and Lisa Macpherson, fellow in the Advanced Leadership Initiative.
  • Investing in equitable news and media projects, a report from Andrea Armeni and Wilneida Negrón of Transform Finance, takes a deep dive into the investment space for equity-centered news and media projects, exploring three pivotal questions: Who is currently investing in equitable media (and why)? What are adjacent investing/investor spaces that could yield additional capital, and what would be needed to attract them? And what are the major pain points for current investors (and potential adjacent investors) and news and media entrepreneurs? There has been a dearth of research into the investment space outside of philanthropy for equity-centered news projects, and this paper fills in some very important gaps in understanding. Among other key recommendations, the report encourages foundations and private investors to “jointly explore the entire ecosystem of equitable media from a holistic perspective, rather than separating investment and grant funding.”

Taken together, these three reports point the path forward: current funders and investors must approach news equity in new ways, individually and together. They also highlight the need to educate and recruit a much broader array of funders and investors into this space. We hope you will use them to explore this work from multiple angles, and to continue to bring new funders and investors into the conversation. We’re excited to work with you to build a new, innovative and equitable journalism that strengthens civil society and finally truly serves communities in the U.S. and around the world.

Democracy Fund
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